Yair Golan: The hero general who became the standard-bearer of Israel’s diminished left

Yair Golan occupies a distinctive and difficult position ahead of Israel’s election on October 27. As leader of the Democrats, the party created through the unification of the two historic left-wing parties Labor and Meretz, he represents the only substantial political force offering an explicitly Zionist, liberal and social-democratic alternative.

In a country that has moved sharply to the right since the Hamas-led massacre of October 7, 2023, this gives Golan a clear identity but also places limits on his electoral appeal.

Golan’s background does not fit the traditional image of a left-wing politician. Born in Rishon LeZion in 1962, he served for nearly four decades in the IDF. Beginning in the Paratroopers Brigade, he rose to command the Nahal Brigade, the Judea and Samaria Division, the Home Front Command and the Northern Command. He eventually became deputy chief of staff and was considered a candidate to lead the IDF.

His military career established him as a serious security figure, but also revealed his willingness to challenge prevailing opinion.

In a 2016 Holocaust Remembrance Day speech, Golan warned about recognising disturbing social and political processes that had occurred in Europe decades earlier and detecting traces of them in contemporary Israel.

Critics accused him of comparing Israel to Nazi Germany, an interpretation he rejected, but the controversy damaged his prospects of becoming chief of staff and made him a politically divisive figure.

Golan entered politics in 2019 through an alliance led by former prime minister Ehud Barak. He later joined Meretz, served in the Knesset and became deputy economy minister in the Bennett-Lapid government. However, Meretz failed to cross the electoral threshold in 2022, leaving the traditional Zionist left without parliamentary representation for the first time.

His public standing changed dramatically on October 7. After learning of the scale of the attack, the retired general put on his uniform, armed himself, and drove independently into communities near Gaza, where he located and rescued survivors from the area of the Nova music festival. His actions provided a striking contrast to the broader collapse of state institutions that morning and made it more difficult for opponents to dismiss him as detached from Israel’s security reality.

In May 2024, Golan won the Labor leadership with 95 per cent of the vote. He then fulfilled his promise to unite Labor with Meretz, forming the Democrats Party. The merger ended years of rivalry and electoral competition between the two parties and created a single political home for much of Israel’s liberal left.

Under Golan, the party combines a strong security posture with support for renewed diplomacy, separation from the Palestinians, protection of judicial independence, civil equality, greater investment in public services and universal military or national service.

Golan argues that Israel must remain militarily powerful while also seeking a political framework that prevents permanent rule over millions of Palestinians.

This position places him well to the left of the other major Zionist opposition parties. Gadi Eisenkot, Naftali Bennett and Avigdor Lieberman all emphasise security, national responsibility and opposition to Netanyahu, but are cautious about offering diplomatic concessions or reviving the two-state framework.

Golan is more prepared to argue that military achievements will eventually be lost without a political strategy.

The Democrats have generally polled at approximately 9 to 11 seats, a significant recovery from Labor’s four seats in 2022 and Meretz’s failure to enter the Knesset. Golan is not running for prime minister, but his party could be essential to any coalition seeking to replace Netanyahu. If the opposition reaches 61 seats, the Democrats will provide the final bloc of mandates required to form a government.

That importance also creates a dilemma for the broader opposition. Golan is willing to cooperate politically with Arab parties and has been more open than most Zionist party leaders to working with Mansour Abbas and his Ra’am party. He has campaigned in Arab communities, used Arabic-language media and placed Arab representation within his political movement.

For many right-wing and centrist Jewish voters, however, dependence on Arab parties, particularly during a prolonged security crisis, remains difficult to accept. Netanyahu’s campaign has used any potential partnership involving Golan and Arab parties to argue that an Eisenkot- or Bennett-led government would be unable to act freely on security.

Golan’s rhetoric can also create problems. In 2025, he caused widespread anger by saying that a “sane country” does not kill babies “as a hobby”. He later clarified that his criticism was directed at government ministers advocating extreme policies rather than at IDF soldiers, but the language was condemned not only by the right but also by centrist and leftist opposition leaders. Such remarks reinforce loyalty among some left-wing voters, yet risk frightening those who share his opposition to Netanyahu but believe his criticism damages Israel or its military.

His party list, which includes prominent protest activists, former Meretz representatives and Arab Israeli figures, gives the Democrats ideological clarity.

It may also allow Netanyahu’s camp to portray a prospective opposition coalition as considerably further left than its candidate for prime minister wishes to appear.

Golan must therefore perform his own balancing act. He needs to mobilise a left-wing electorate that wants an unambiguous voice on democracy, diplomacy and Palestinian rights, while avoiding language or alliances that make it harder for the wider opposition to attract moderate right-wing voters.

Israel’s shift to the right after October 7 means Golan is campaigning against the prevailing national mood. Yet it also means he faces limited competition within his ideological space. His importance will not necessarily be measured by whether he leads the next government, but by whether a government opposed to Netanyahu can be formed without him.