Benjamin Netanyahu: Israel’s longest-serving prime minister faces the fight of his political life

Benjamin Netanyahu has dominated Israeli politics for more than three decades. As Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, his career has been defined by political resilience, ideological consistency and an exceptional ability to survive crises that would have ended the careers of most leaders.

Yet, as Israel approaches elections on October 27, Netanyahu faces perhaps the most difficult and consequential contest of his political life.

Netanyahu entered public life through diplomacy rather than party politics. After serving as an officer in the elite Sayeret Matkal unit, studying at MIT and working in the private sector, he became deputy chief of mission at Israel’s embassy in Washington and subsequently ambassador to the United Nations.

His fluent English and confident television presence made him an effective international advocate for Israel.

He entered the Knesset with Likud in 1988 and became party leader in 1993. Three years later, at the age of 46, he narrowly defeated Shimon Peres to become Israel’s youngest prime minister and the first born after the establishment of the state.

Netanyahu campaigned as a critic of the Oslo process, but once in office adopted a more pragmatic approach. His government signed the Hebron Protocol and Wye River Memorandum, combining limited territorial concessions with demands for Palestinian reciprocity and security guarantees.

His first government was weakened by coalition disputes and internal Likud opposition. In 1999, Netanyahu suffered a decisive defeat to Ehud Barak and temporarily withdrew from politics. He returned in 2002, serving first as foreign minister and then as finance minister under Ariel Sharon.

In the latter position, he introduced market-oriented reforms, welfare reductions, privatisation and tax cuts. Supporters credit these policies with helping modernise Israel’s economy, while critics argue that they contributed to widening inequality.

After initially supporting the Gaza disengagement plan, Netanyahu resigned from the government in 2005 in opposition to it. He regained the Likud leadership and returned as prime minister in 2009.

What followed was an extraordinary 12-year period in power. He positioned himself as the indispensable protector of Israel, placing Iran’s nuclear programme, terrorism and his ability to withstand international pressure at the centre of his political message.

During this period, Israel enjoyed strong economic and technological growth, expanded its diplomatic relationships and signed the Abraham Accords with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan.

Netanyahu also developed a particularly close relationship with Donald Trump, whose first administration recognised Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, moved the American embassy there and recognised Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights.

However, Netanyahu’s long second period in office was also increasingly divisive, and Israeli politics became progressively centred on support for or opposition to Netanyahu personally. His indictment on charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust, which he denies, contributed to four inconclusive elections between 2019 and 2021.

In 2021, a diverse coalition led by Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid removed him from office. Netanyahu nevertheless retained control of Likud and returned in December 2022 at the head of a strongly right-wing and religious coalition.

The government’s judicial reform programme produced months of mass demonstrations and exposed profound divisions over the relationship between elected government, the courts and other state institutions.

The Hamas-led massacre of October 7, 2023, transformed Netanyahu’s political position and his historical legacy.

The scale of the security and intelligence failure seriously damaged his long-established claim to be Israel’s most reliable guardian.

The wars that followed in Gaza and across the region demonstrated Israel’s military strength and weakened several of its enemies, but they also brought heavy casualties, economic pressure and growing international criticism.

Netanyahu has resisted accepting personal responsibility for the failures preceding October 7, arguing that accountability should be addressed comprehensively after the war. His opponents contend that the government’s policies towards Hamas and its neglect of warnings contributed to the disaster. The absence of a full state commission of inquiry remains a central political issue.

Ahead of the October election, Netanyahu occupies a paradoxical position. He is weakened, but he is not defeated.

Recent polling generally places his natural coalition well below the 61 seats required for a majority, while Likud faces strong competition from Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar and the Bennett-Lapid alliance.

Security issues, October 7, strictly Orthodox conscription, the cost of living, relations with the United States, the future of Gaza and the independence of Israel’s institutions will all shape the campaign.

Nevertheless, Netanyahu retains formidable advantages, especially incumbency. Likud possesses a powerful national organisation, his core base of supporters remains highly loyal, and no rival has matched his combination of experience, communication skills and political instinct. Israel’s fragmented electoral system also means that winning the most seats is less important than assembling a coalition of 61.

For Netanyahu, therefore, October 27 is about more than another term. It may determine whether he leaves office as the leader who transformed Israel’s economy and regional relationships, or as the prime minister held responsible for its greatest security failure and for overseeing a country increasingly divided.

It could also affect the future of his trial and the political system he has shaped around himself. After repeatedly returning from apparent political defeat, Netanyahu faces one final test of his defining talent: survival.