The 1988 Hamas charter called explicitly for the destruction of Israel. By contrast, recognition of Palestine within the framework of a two-state solution, with secure borders based on the 1967 lines, is a clear rejection of that vision
September 25, 2025 11:44
Last week, I found myself at the centre of a diplomatic incident.
Together with my parliamentary colleague Dr Simon Opher, I was denied entry to Israel. As two doctors serving in Parliament, we had been invited to visit healthcare workers in the West Bank to gain a clearer understanding of the situation on the ground.
However, at the Jordanian border, it became apparent to Israeli immigration officials that our trip was organised under the auspices of an NGO called CAABU (Centre for the Advancement of Arab British Understanding), and we hit a diplomatic brick wall. Despite calls to ministries and embassies in London and Tel Aviv, we were turned away and flown back to London the following morning, without ever setting foot in Israel.
I fully respect the right of any country to manage its borders. But as a Jewish MP who has visited Israel many times and spoken in Parliament on behalf of the hostages and in defence of Israeli civil society, it was a regrettable move from an increasingly isolated nation. Being denied entry on grounds of “public security or public order considerations” – as my exit slip stated – was disheartening, to say to least.
Our return prompted a wave of media interest. By the weekend, the conversation had shifted to Sir Keir Starmer’s announcement on Palestinian statehood.
The UK government’s formal recognition of Palestine was a step outlined clearly in the Labour Party manifesto on which I was elected in Bury St Edmunds and Stowmarket last year.
In response to the government’s action, I have been asked if I support this policy. Do I see it as a reward for Hamas terrorism? And how can such a decision be made while hostages remain in Gaza?
To those questions, I say: recognition of Palestine is not a reward for terror, but one of the foundations which will build a long-awaited peace. A viable Palestinian state and a secure Israeli state must be pursued in tandem. These aims are not mutually exclusive, they are mutually dependent.
The 1988 Hamas charter called explicitly for the destruction of Israel.
By contrast, recognition of Palestine within the framework of a two-state solution, with secure borders based on the 1967 lines, is a clear rejection of that vision. The only viable future lies in coexistence, not elimination; there must never be a “river to the sea” state.
As for the hostages, their release must be immediate and unconditional. Linking diplomatic recognition to their fate would hand political leverage to terrorists. We cannot allow progress toward peace be determined by those who oppose it – that’s why there were no conditions for Hamas, who must have no role in shaping the future. They are not partners for peace; they are its greatest obstacle.
The terrible war in Gaza has been debated at length in the House of Commons.
MPs such as me have heard the anguish of constituents horrified by the nightly news and social media feeds filled with suffering. This war must end – and it must end with an unrelenting diplomatic push to deliver food, shelter, and medical aid to those in desperate need. The hostages must be released.
A comprehensive plan for the “day after” must follow: one that includes an international transitional administration to rebuild civil governance in Gaza, free from the grip of terror groups like Hamas.
Israel is a democratic country, and it is up to its citizens to choose leaders with the vision and courage to work toward a sustainable peace. Netanyahu appears not to be such a leader.
Meanwhile Hamas, which sparked the latest outbreak of this bloody war on October 7, is not only an enemy of Israel, but they are also the enemy of the Palestinian people.
But we cannot allow either side to make this a forever war. The UK’s recognition of a Palestinian State can be a meaningful step towards its end. Recognition demands responsibility. And with that, we move, imperfectly perhaps, toward a future of dignity and security for both peoples, with sovereignty, governance and citizenship in Israel and also in Palestine.
Peter Prinsley is an MP for Bury St Edmunds and Stowmarket
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