The powerful image will be warmly welcomed by Hungarian Jews and in Israel: Péter Magyar, Hungary’s prime minister elect, wearing a kippah as he carefully places a stone under a wall of names of victims at the Budapest Holocaust Memorial Centre on April 16.
The ceremony commemorated Hungary’s Holocaust memorial day, the anniversary of the start of the ghettoisation of rural Jews in 1944, before their deportation to Auschwitz.
Just four days earlier, Magyar’s centre-right Tisza party, which mainly campaigned against corruption, won a landslide two-thirds majority, ending 16 years of rule by Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party.
There was relief among Hungarian Jews and in Jerusalem that the far-right Mi Hazánk Mozgalom (Our Homeland Movement) only won six seats, banishing the “nightmare scenario” of a coalition where a victorious but weakened Fidesz would be propped-up by the extremists.
Magyar’s victory was greeted with delirious joy across the political spectrum, from left to right, including by many Jewish voters. His tightly-controlled campaign with its comparative lack of detailed policy pronouncements allowed voters to project their own desires onto a political tabula rasa.
The question now in Jerusalem and Budapest, where most Hungarian Jews live, is where will Magyar take the country’s relationship with Israel and its own Jewish community. His attendance at the Holocaust memorial event, together with Anita Orbán (no relation), the future foreign minister, will be reassuring.
Earlier in the week at his first press conference, Magyar emphasised the importance of the Hungarian-Israeli relationship, the safety and security of the country’s Jewish community and zero-tolerance of anti-Semitism.
He said: “We have a very strong Jewish community living in Hungary, one of the largest, thankfully, in security, safety, and peace and zero tolerance in Hungary to all forms of antisemitism”.
He was similarly reassuring over Israel. “Israel and Hungary – obviously there is a special relationship, a lot of Hungarians live in Israel, a lot of Israeli citizens come here to Hungary…Israel is also an important economic partner. We strive for pragmatic relations.”
Nevertheless, Orbán will be missed in Jerusalem. “With Viktor Orbán we really felt that we had a friend in the EU,” said one Israeli diplomat. Orbán and Benjamin Netanyahu developed a solid bromance. That personal chemistry proved vital after the October 7 terrorist attacks.
Hungary became Israel’s most reliable partner in the EU, repeatedly vetoing moves to censure the Jewish state and also proved a sterling ally in the United Nations. The pro-Palestine mass rallies that turned parts of many British cities into de-facto no-go areas for Jews were banned.
Budapest is filled with Israeli tourists all year round, speaking Hebrew with no fear of being harassed. Israeli football teams played their international matches at Hungarian stadiums. Unlike in Britain and much of western Europe, Hungarian Jews freely wear Stars of David or kippahs without being abused.
A stream of Israeli ministers visited Hungary in recent years, further cementing diplomatic and political ties. Hungary’s president Tamás Sulyok hosted Israeli president Isaac Herzog in Budapest in February 2025.
Benjamin Netanyahu’s congratulations to Péter Magyar opened with a fulsome tribute to Viktor Orbán, describing him as, “a true friend of Israel, who stood firmly by Israel’s side in the face of unjust international vilification and who supported Israel’s soldiers in our just war of self-defence against brutal terrorists. The people of Israel will forever remember this.”
Nevertheless, Magyar is not any kind of progressive leftist. His Tisza party is part of the centre-right European People’s Party group in the European Parliament. A former Orbán loyalist, he was married to Judit Varga, a former Minister of Justice. Magyar also served as a Hungarian diplomat in Brussels. There are no serious fears about the direction of his future government in relation to Israel and Jewish issues, but there are areas of potential concern.
Orban is known for his strong stance against migration. During the campaign Magyar outflanked him from the right, criticising the growing number of guest workers in Hungary from the developing world. But there are growing worries that the EU may demand a softer approach to migration in exchange for unlocking €35 bn in frozen funds, raising the possibility of larger-scale immigration. Magyar has pledged to stand firm on border and asylum issues.
Two issues raise potential concern in Jerusalem: a return to the International Criminal Court and the end of automatic support for Israel in the EU and the UN. Viktor Orbán pulled Hungary out of the ICC after it issued an arrest warrant for Benjamin Netanyahu and former defence minister Yoav Gallant. Magyar pledged to return to the ICC saying, “It’s in the interest of the international community and Hungary for us to be there.” This could make it difficult for Netanyahu to visit Budapest, although the likelihood of him being arrested is remote.
Magyar also said that Hungary would use any veto against anti-Israel moved in the EU on a case-to-case basis. “We need to examine every decision but I don’t want to run too far into the future. We will see what decisions the EU will make and see what the truth is.”
Jerusalem is now trying to understand who Peter Magyar is and what he is likely to want, said the Israeli diplomat. There is uncertainty how Hungary will now vote on potential sanctions or votes on settlements. Closer alignment with the EU would not be seen as positive for Israel. One Israeli official said: “At this point it’s just question marks. We know Hungary will not become like Spain or Ireland. So far we are in a holding position, but it was encouraging to hear him mention the ‘special relationship’.”
Soon after his victory, Magyar and Netanyahu enjoyed a positive introductory telephone call. The Hungarian prime minister elect stated that he intended to keep a close relationship between the two countries and invited Netanyahu to the 70th anniversary commemoration of the 1956 uprising. Netanyahu invited Magyar and his cabinet to a government to government meeting in Jerusalem.
Tisza’s triumph may prove to be less positive for Chabad in Hungary. Chabad’s dynamic, inclusive approach has helped revitalise Jewish communal life in Budapest. The movement carefully cultivated ties with Fidesz over the past decades, often outmanoeuvring the traditional Jewish leadership, known as Mazsihisz, and gaining several historic properties. Relations between the two sides are poor.
There is likely to be relief at the Mazsihisz headquarters on Sip street, in the heart of the city’s old Jewish quarter, at Magyár’s victory and hope that the new government may realign with Hungary’s historic Jewish community.
Adam LeBor is the author of The Last Days of Budapest: Spies, Nazis, Rescuers and Resisters 1940-1945
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