Even the most fervent enemies of Benjamin Netanyahu cannot deny that he has been the pivotal political force in Israel this century.
But now both supporters and opponents of the Likud leader, who has been prime minister for 19 years on and off, are legislating for the time when this chapter of history eventually comes to a close.
There is one immediate and very personal reason for such planning. With a ceasefire in the war against the Islamic Republic he has made it his decades-long mission to vanquish, Netanyahu confirmed he had been treated for “very early-stage prostate cancer” which had been “completely removed”.
The announcement had been delayed to avoid it being exploited for Iranian propaganda, the prime minister explained.
Now, even the most casual observers have learnt to never underestimate the remarkably robust 76-year-old whose historian father Benzion remained active far into old age and died at the age of 102.
And the prime minister was eager to remind the world – very much in the manner of Donald Trump – of his “good health and excellent physical condition” after the treatment.
But other wider forces are at work that may see Netanyahu forced out from the prime minister’s residence at Beit Aghion if not the political stage.
Adding to the already bewildering complexity of Israeli politics, two former premiers joined forces this week to launch a new party to try to force him from power.
Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid had served in a rotation agreement as part of a coalition government they formed in 2021.
Now they have announced the new political party based on friendship called “Together”, describing it as “the most Zionist and patriotic act we have ever done”, adding that the new alliance aims to “repair the damage done by the current government”.
New party leader Bennett is a politician of the right, Lapid a centre-leftist, and they certainly don’t agree on everything and don’t pretend to do so.
A political insider told the JC: “The two haven’t tried to blur their differences but rather highlighted that there are huge areas of agreement behind which the majority of the country can unite – the need for everyone to serve in the army, changing the economic priorities back towards rewarding those who work hard and serve in the army, the need for a state commission of inquiry into the failings that led to the October 7 massacre, education reform, bringing down the cost of living and perhaps most importantly – bringing the people of Israel together again.
“Lapid has once again shown himself to be that rare kind of politician who is willing to put his personal interests aside and do what is best for the country, in this case a clear call for the Israeli centre to unite behind Bennett.”
Former IDF chief of staff Gadi Eisenkot welcomed the move, calling Bennett and Lapid “partners in the journey” and stating that “the only goal that is in front of my eyes… is the victory of a Zionist state coalition.” He added “for this victory to happen, we need to bring in more votes”.
According to a source, the alliance is open to bringing in centrist party Yashar’s leader Eisenkot to strengthen its numbers. Even so, the bloc would still need to pass the 61-seat threshold and might have to work with other parties still to replace Netanyahu. Early polling suggests a Together-Yashar alliance would end up with fewer seats than the equivalent parties held before. Still, early days.
Meanwhile, Haredi party Shas’s leader Ariyeh Deri exploded with fury at the new arrival, condemning it as the return of “the alliance of hatred” with a “common denominator” of “hatred of tradition and the second Israel, harming Jewish identity, settlements and Torah scholars”.
As if the emergence of a major new party wasn’t enough, in the same week it emerged that the political right could be on the brink of a major split as senior figures held secret talks about launching a breakaway dubbed “Likud B” ahead of the next election.
According to Channel 12, some heavyweight political figures are said to be involved, including former UN ambassador Gilad Erdan. Senior Likud figure Yuli Edelstein chaired the Knesset’s powerful foreign affairs and defence committee before being pushed out after opposing a draft exemption legislation for ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students. Deputy foreign minister Sharren Haskel opposed the same law. Former finance minister Moshe Kahlon — who broke away from Likud to form the Kulanu party before later serving in a Netanyahu-led coalition — is reportedly involved in the discussions.
The hope is that the emerging alliance will draw together figures who believe voters are searching for a more moderate, unifying right-wing option after years of political turmoil and repeated elections (five between 2019 and 2022) caused by political deadlock and the failure to form stable governing coalitions.
This is nothing less than an attempt to create a more traditional, mainstream right-wing party – what supporters claim would be a “state right” alternative to the current ruling bloc, instead a broad coalition government that does not rely on “extremist factions”.
Some Knesset insiders are sceptical and suggested the breakaway is being overblown, with one saying: “The idea of a new political party such as ‘Likud B’ can be seen as something like a trial balloon being floated into the air to gauge public reaction.
“In political terms, it may also function as a form of informal polling – a way for advisers and senior figures to test how different configurations might impact voter support and internal party dynamics.”
Could the new initiative be linked to internal leadership ambitions, particularly around Erdan, widely seen as a potential future challenger for the leadership of Likud?
The insider says: “The formation of a separate political vehicle could be viewed as a way to assess whether there is genuine support for an alternative leadership path.”
The initiative is still at an exploratory stage and has been described as a loose coordination effort rather than a fully formed party. But the intent is increasingly clear: to create what some are calling a “Likud of yesteryear”.
The biggest stumbling block is the obvious and explosive question: who should be prime minister?
If the Likud should lose sway, parties further to the right are likely to profit, not least Otzma Yehudit and its leader, security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, a figure who regularly incurs controversy but cannot be ignored.
The source says: “Some argue that media coverage tends to frame him negatively for political reasons, while his supporters see him as an important voice representing a segment of the electorate.
“Others believe his influence may grow in a post-Netanyahu political landscape, particularly in areas such as policing and internal security policy.”
As things stand, Prime Minister Netanyahu is the undisputed leader of Likud and is very clear in his intention to run again, but even should he win the election later this year many political observers believe it would be his final term.
Netanyahu’s final political decisions remain unpredictable and could change at short notice.
Crucial to his calculations will be the question of what political legacy he will leave, and much will depend on the outcomes for regional and global diplomacy, and his relationship with international figures such as Trump.
Israel’s political landscape is changing fast. It’s a sometimes confusing picture for the nation’s voters ahead of the upcoming election, never mind international observers trying to keep track. All that is certain is the growing sense of collective fatigue and disbelief so many Israelis feel in these turbulent times.
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