After six days of elaborate funeral ceremonies attended by a limited number of foreign dignitaries and staged across Iran, Ali Khamenei, the former Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, was buried on July 5, bringing to an end one of the regime’s most choreographed political spectacles.
Yet one detail stood out. The dominant colour at Ali Khamenei's funeral was not the black traditionally associated with mourning, but red – the colour of blood, vengeance, and retribution in Shi'ite symbolism. According to the hardline newspaper Farhikhtegan, the choice was deliberate. It signalled that the Islamic Republic intended to frame the death of its leader not as the end of an era but as the beginning of a campaign of revenge.
"His blood has not yet been avenged; only part of that revenge has been carried out. His blood was unjustly shed, and the Iranian nation will not lower the banner of vengeance until full retribution has been achieved,” the paper declared.
The symbolism is significant because it reveals how the authorities want the public – and the outside world – to interpret Khamenei's death. Instead of emphasising national mourning, reconciliation, or political continuity, the regime chose a visual language associated with retaliation. Farhikhtegan went further, arguing that "avenging the martyred leader" should be pursued simultaneously on the intelligence, military, and legal fronts, underscoring that the message was not merely ceremonial but political.
Yet the call for revenge may not be solely about Ali Khamenei. A large number of his family members died in the February 28 bombing of his headquarters and residential compound in Tehran. Most significant of all, however, was the absence of his son and designated heir, Mojtaba Khamenei, from the closing funeral ceremonies on July 5. That absence became perhaps the most consequential political fact of the entire event, adding the boldest entry to a growing body of evidence suggesting that the man the Islamic Republic claims is its new Supreme Leader may, in fact, be dead.
Without a Supreme Leader capable of arbitrating among the regime's competing factions, the prospects for Tehran moderating its behaviour as so many in the West still hope appear slim.
In the absence of an undisputed authority, every regime faction has an incentive to burnish its revolutionary credentials through uncompromising rhetoric rather than risk appearing conciliatory. The decision to drape Ali Khamenei's funeral in the symbolism of revenge rather than mourning reflects that dynamic.
One month after signing a Memorandum of Understanding with the Trump administration, the Islamic Republic's leaders appear far more interested in preserving ideological legitimacy at home than in reassuring Washington. They seem content to enjoy the economic benefits of eased oil exports and the possible release of frozen funds while continuing to project defiance.
There is still no sign of Mojtaba Khamenei – and no sign of genuine rapprochement.
Mardo Soghom, a former deputy editor and regional director for West Asia at Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, is a freelance writer
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