One of the most persistent claims in Israeli politics today is that the country has become internationally isolated. Opposition figures cite hostile votes in global forums, western criticism and deteriorating public opinion as evidence that the government has inflicted lasting diplomatic damage. Coalition politicians respond that Israel remains respected, feared and highly sought after.
As Israelis prepare to vote on October 27, this question matters. Voters will be asked, explicitly or otherwise, whether the coalition has dangerously isolated Israel or whether the opposition is mistaking hostile headlines for diplomatic reality. The honest answer is more complicated than either campaign slogan. Israel faces serious international challenges, but it is far from isolated.
During my time as an adviser to Israeli ministers, I often heard foreign officials say very different things behind closed doors from what they declared publicly. Their condemnations were often intended largely for domestic political consumption. In private, they expressed far greater understanding of Israel’s positions and actions, spoke about intelligence cooperation, trade, agriculture and shared threats.
That distinction between public rhetoric and private national interest is more pronounced today than ever.
Consider Latin America. Colombia severed relations with Israel in 2024. Yet its incoming government has agreed to restore full diplomatic and economic relations, remove visa requirements and move Colombia’s embassy to Jerusalem. Bolivia, which also broke relations after October 7, restored them in December 2025. Argentina has become one of Israel’s closest partners under President Javier Milei, moved its embassy to Jerusalem and launched the “Isaac Accords” to deepen cooperation between Israel and Latin America.
Slovenia offers another striking example. Its previous government recognised a Palestinian state, imposed an arms embargo and barred senior Israeli ministers. The new government lifted those measures. Slovenia is now planning to move its embassy to Jerusalem, while Israel will open its first resident embassy in Ljubljana. These reversals demonstrate an elementary truth too often ignored in diplomatic commentary: governments change.
The diplomatic movement towards Jerusalem is itself difficult to reconcile with claims of isolation. The US, Guatemala, Honduras, Kosovo, Papua New Guinea and Paraguay already had embassies in the capital. Fiji became the seventh in September 2025, Argentina the eighth, Palau become the ninth, with Colombia and Slovenia now expected to follow.
Ecuador has opened an official diplomatic innovation office in Jerusalem, while legislators from 12 Latin American countries recently backed further embassy moves.
However, perhaps the strongest evidence comes from Europe. Countries do not entrust their national security to a state they consider an international pariah. Israeli defence exports reached a record £14 billion in 2025, an increase of almost 30 per cent in one year. Europe remained the largest regional customer.
Germany is deploying the Israeli-developed Arrow 3 missile-defence system under a €3.8 billion agreement and has signed a new security partnership with Israel covering cyber-defence, drones, artificial intelligence and critical infrastructure.
Romania is acquiring Israeli air-defence systems and drones. Slovakia has purchased the Israeli Barak MX air-defence system. Greece has approved a €3.5 billion Israeli air-defence package, alongside Israeli rocket systems, drones and extensive military cooperation. Greece, Cyprus and Israel have also signed a trilateral military programme for 2026.
Meanwhile, the Abraham Accords have not collapsed, as many confidently predicted. The UAE, Bahrain and Morocco have preserved relations because trade, technology, intelligence and the shared threat from Iran matter more than political theatre. President Isaac Herzog recently spoke with the King of Bahrain, Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa for the first time since the conflict began.
India continues to deepen strategic cooperation with Israel, while countries across Africa and Asia seek Israeli technology expertise. While Israelis will be paying for the war for a long time, the rising defence deals and the billion dollars exits by Israeli hi-tech companies have ameliorated some of that fiscal damage.
The shekel’s rise against the pound, dollar and euro are a testament to that. None of this should be used to dismiss Israel’s diplomatic problems. Public attitudes have deteriorated in parts of Europe, Britain and North America. Some governments have recognised a Palestinian state, arms restrictions remain a threat and Israel’s reputation has suffered.
These developments require serious attention but a country cannot reasonably be described as isolated while governments are opening embassies, signing multibillion-pound defence contracts and placing their security in its hands.
At the ballot box, Israelis must judge both narratives. While diplomacy won’t be among the major issues, it will be background noise. Has the current coalition unnecessarily damaged important relationships and allowed hostile narratives to spread? Almost certainly. Has Israel become the abandoned international outcast portrayed by some opposition politicians and commentators? Clearly not.
Diplomatic rhetoric tells us what foreign governments believe their voters want to hear. Diplomatic actions tell us what those governments believe their countries need.
The headlines suggest isolation. The evidence reveals an Israel whose relationships are changing, sometimes painfully, but whose strategic importance continues to grow.
Ashley Perry is a former senior Israeli government adviser who has worked with eight cabinet ministers; he was an adviser to the Negev Forum and has been involved in Israeli politics and every election campaign for the past two decades
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